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The aim of this study is to contribute to a learning process about innovative and successful approaches to overcoming problems and challenges of urban environmental protection. To this end, a detailed overview of the importance of environmental challenges, political priorities and successful solutions in selected countries and cities is given. Based on this, the study analyzes specific success factors and discusses the extent to which these can be transferred and replicated to other cities. Finally, recommendations are made for cities, countries and the international community on how environmental protection at the urban level can be further strengthened. The role of German cities and institutions will also be discussed. The case studies analyzed include Belo Horizonte in Brazil, Moscow in Russia, Kochi in India, Beijing in China, Cape Town in South Africa and Jakarta in Indonesia. These cities were selected because they have already implemented successful policies, measures and other initiatives in the past. For each city, the study analyzes relevant policy documents in order to present the respective challenges and political priorities. The analysis aims to understand the effectiveness of the plans and instruments taking into account the national political environment. Despite the cross-sectoral approach, the analysis of each case study focuses on specific sectors in order to produce well-founded results. The success factors that are worked out based on this sectoral analysis are placed in a holistic context in order to be able to make generalizable statements about success factors.
Transport is a key economic sector in Europe, it influences the opportunities of production and consumption. By improving access to markets, goods and services, employment, housing, health care, and education, transportation projects can increase economic productivity and development. The ability to be mobile is also a prerequisite for inclusion. At the same time, transport induces a range of negative effects, most notably the emission of greenhouse gases. At the urban level, motorised transport significantly contributes to air pollution.
Since 2013, the European Commission has increased EU funding for projects: The "Urban Mobility Package" provided EUR 13 billion for investments into sustainable urban mobility between 2014 and 2020. This has allowed cities across Europe to put in place a range of initiatives. European funding programmes and financing institutions such as the European Investment Bank increasingly insist on a contribution to more sustainable mobility systems in their financing commitments.
The impact, however, is mixed. The European Court of Auditors warned that EU cities must shift more traffic to sustainable transport modes. They found that EU-funded projects were not always based on sound urban mobility strategies and were not as effective as intended.
In many EU member states, the transfer of EU funds to cities is contingent on the existence of a SUMP. A statistical analysis of the modal split of 396 cities in the European Union revealed that the implementation of Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans positively correlates with a reduction of the share of the private car in the cities. Such plans include strategies and activities to pursue sustainable mobility.
This report analyses transport and mobility in Bratislava with a view to providing a clear picture about its current sustainability state. It points to both good practice and areas of improvement. In so doing, it provides recommendations how mobility in the city can be developed increasingly sustainable. Bratislava is the capital and largest city of Slovakia. In 2016, the population of the city was 426,000 inhabitants, the Bratislava region was home to 642,000 inhabitants.
This article aims to analyse the potential for international climate governance to promote the decarbonisation of land transport. It first summarises challenges and barriers that impede the transformation of the sector. On this basis, the article discusses how international governance could potentially assist with overcoming these barriers and mobilising potentials. Subsequently, the article analyses to what extent existing international governance institutions deliver on the potential identified. The analysis finds that while there is a large number of international institutions trying to promote the decarbonisation of land transport, none of them emerge saliently as hubs or core institutions. There is a substantial amount of activity to generate and disseminate knowledge and learning, but the potential for providing guidance and signal, setting rules, providing transparency/accountability and means of implementation could be further exploited. The article concludes with suggestions on how international governance may be strengthened.
This SUITS policy brief aims to highlight how the transformational process of the nine local authorities involved in SUITS into learning organizations made these cities far better prepared to cope with the challenges due to the pandemic than they would otherwise have been. Due to the higher levels of organizational resilience and the awareness of individuals' importance during such external crises, the nine local authorities were not just trying to react to the unforeseen challenges, but were able to act with a clear pathway and to use their experiences to facilitate their learning from recent years. Of course, the pandemic could not have been foreseen, but as SUITS local authorities are becoming learning organizations, they are enhancing their organizational capacity. In so doing, they have been learning a required resilience to reduce the "complexity and confusion - of what to do best" in the beginning of the crisis and to cope with the challenges. This advantage was of enormous relevance for the local authorities.
This report on urban mobility performance measurement is aimed at enabling stake- holders of the city of Bucharest and the public to understand their current urban mobility situation through a point-based results framework. It shall provide the city of Bucharest with a yardstick to measure its performance and benchmark the progress against some of its counterparts. It measures the urban mobility and compares it with 13 other European cities: Berlin, London, Vienna, Brussels, Moscow, Rome, Zurich, Paris, Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Oslo, Budapest and Madrid.
Similar to many other European cities, Bucharest employs a Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) in order to continuously improve urban transport and mobility and to make it more sustainable. In this respect, the report should also be regarded as a document which supports the stakeholders in Bucharest in their efforts to develop transport and mobility in the city more sustainable.
This Topic Guide aims to provide answers to the question: "How can transport products, services and works be delivered sustainably?". Public procurement accounts for about 19% of the European Union's GDP and thus is a powerful lever to support the transition of urban mobility. The purchasing power of municipalities and regions can create a critical demand for innovative and green goods, services and business models such as low emission vehicles or shared mobility solutions. Public procurement can increase their competitiveness and availability, and thus trigger the market penetration of innovative products and services. The Guide discusses the general concept of sustainable public procurement, the legislative environment in the EU and leads through the different stages of a procurement process for SUMP (Sustainable Urban Mobility Planning) measures in a stepwise approach. It also discusses different inherent principles of sustainable public procurement in the field of urban mobility such as life cycle costing and how these can be applied. In so doing, it points to relevant further guidance discussing specific issues and concepts.
The transformation of urban mobility systems causes financial costs for the procurement and operation of innovative products and services and for the adaptation of existing infrastructure. While public budgets are limited, investments in infrastructure and transport services compete against other spending priorities, and private investors often are reluctant to invest into sustainable transport projects. Thus, cities need to seek additional funding and financing options and to develop business models to attract private sector investments in the development of the urban transport system. Moreover, financing schemes should cover the entire SUMP (Sustainable Urban Mobility Planning) cycle, starting from planning, to project implementation and procurement up to the operation and maintenance of services and infrastructures.
This requires the blending of different revenue sources, including:
project related revenue sources such as public transport fares and the lease of advertising space in buses;
the extension of the local tax base, for example through the introduction of road user charges and parking fees or the use of value capture mechanisms;
National, bilateral, and European grants;
Debt financing through loans and other instruments such as issuing green bonds. Finally, a prudential engagement of the private sector in infrastructure development and service provision can reduce the direct burden on public budgets while enhancing service quality. The applicability of specific financing options critically depends on the national legislative environment. Many of the instruments and case examples presented here may not be transferred to other Member States due to the different distribution of responsibilities and powers between the political levels in the Member States. This report, however, can inspire the search for potential funding and financing sources and is therefore aimed not only at local and regional authorities but also at decisionmakers at the national level. Still, whether a specific instrument can be used in a Member State needs to be assessed on a case-by-case base.
Much mitigation-related governance activity is evident in a range of sectoral systems, and regarding particular governance functions. However, there is a tendency for this activity to relate to the easiest functions to address, such as "learning and knowledge building", or to take place in somewhat limited "niches". Across all sectoral systems examined, the gap between identified governance needs and what is currently supplied is most serious in terms of the critical function of setting rules to facilitate collective action. A lack of "guidance and signal" is also evident, particularly in the finance, extractive industries, energy-intensive industries, and buildings sectoral systems.
Of the sectoral systems examined, the power sector appears the most advanced in covering the main international governance functions required of it. Nevertheless, it still falls short in achieving critical governance functions necessary for sufficient decarbonisation. Significantly, while the signal is strong and clear for the phase-in of renewable energy, it is either vague or absent when it comes to the phase-out of fossil fuel-generated electricity. The same lack of signal that certain high-carbon activities need actively to be phased out is also evident in financial, fossil-fuel extractive industry and transport-related sectors.
More effective mitigation action will need greater co-ordination or orchestration effort, sometimes led by the UNFCCC, but also from the bodies such as the G20, as well as existing (or potentially new) sector-level institutions. The EU needs to re-consider what it means to provide climate leadership in an increasingly "polycentric" governance landscape.