The discrepancy between ecologically conscious attitudes and actual behaviour is described as an inner resistance, and as connected with a propensity to ignore the external costs of wealth. Evidence is presented that this propensity is based on pro-material traits such as the positional attitude and the passion for goods. These traits are traced back to control orientation, whereas ecological responsibility is shown to be related to autonomy orientation. The societal origins of these basic orientations, and hence the conditions of reinforcing post-materially and ecologically minded behaviour, are discussed.
The Federal Republic of Germany committed itself in June 1990 to reduce its carbon dioxide emissions by 25% of the 1987 level by the year 2005, as a measure of slowing down the increase in the greenhouse effect. The issue of a human-caused climate change, however, did not surface in Germany for the first time just a few years ago. The potential threat was recognized a half a century ago. This article traces the history of the German climate change debate in the last 50 yr and discusses the forces and events that shaped it. The way in which various societal actors - among them scientists, the government, industry, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the media - entered into and influenced the debate is also examined. Unfolding the history of the global warming debate in Germany reveals how the country's current policy stance evolved.
Sustainable economy
(1994)
This paper claims that countries of the North must develop a new model of wealth - one less harmful to the environment and capable of being applied throughout the world. There are reasons to be hopeful they will do so: first, they have the means at their disposal; second, it is a misconception that environmental protection is a cost; and third, there is mounting pressure for change as indicated by air, water and soil quality data. The challenge is to move the emphasis away from end-of-the-pipe pollution control to improving resource productivity. The best way of doing this is through the imposition of "green taxes" to raise resource prices. If governments compensate by cutting other taxes to make the change revenue-neutral, there would be real benefits to the environment and the economy, particularly in developing countries.
Ökologischer Stadtverkehr
(1995)
Ökologische Steuerreform : Pro gegen Kontra ; eine Antwort auf die häufigsten Einwände der Kritiker
(1996)
Sustainable development, as it emerged in Agenda 21 from the Rio conference in 1992, will only be meaningful when it touches the lives of ordinary people; then it becomes a reality. Local Agenda 21 (LA21) seeks to achieve that objective. This article assesses the origins of LA21, reviews its social and political significance, and considers its prospects in the light of case study experience emerging from the UK, Germany and Norway, focusing on the role of local government as a major stakeholder in Agenda 21 (A21). The range of response to LA21 has proved to be varied. A successful transformation to a more sustainable world will require visionary political leadership, supportive administrations, networks of experience sharing, alliances with non‐governmental organisations and local industry, and effective community mobilisation. All of that, in turn, requires equally supportive economic and social policy backing from national governments. This article will indicate that, not surprisingly, it is the domestic political context, nationally and locally, which in the main determines the speed and nature of response to LA21, now and in the future. By understanding and being aware of these contexts, factors impeding progress towards LA21 may be addressed, whilst at the same time retaining the diversity of response which is an essential part of local sustainability.
Eine neue Stahl-Welt
(1996)
In the discourse about sustainable development, "constant natural capital" is frequently referred to as a criterion for ecological sustainability. But what is "natural capital"? The concept will be analyzed by presenting arguments in favour of using the term and different versions of sustainability (strong and weak). Subsequently, a critique of the "natural capital" concept is brought forward, from an ecological as well as from an economic perspective. Following this critique, the use of material inputs and the material input per unit of service (MIPS) as a measure for the environmental impact potential is suggested. Dematerialisation is understood to be an alternative management rule for sustainability. In conclusion, a change of perspective is proposed. Due to the conceptual and measurement problems associated with the "constant-natural-capital" criterion (which refers to a stock), it seems more reasonable from a scientific as well as from a practical perspective to add flows (i.e. material inputs) to a decision criterion for whether a development is sustainable or not.
This paper compares the one-sector neoclassical (Solow) growth model with a neo-Austrian growth model. The solutions of the neoclassical growth model in terms of the golden rule of accumulation and the Ramsey rule are well known, and these conditions are compared with the outcomes of the neo-Austrian growth model, which we derive using a basic three-process model.