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How can existing national climate policy instruments contribute to ETS development? : Final report
(2019)
Before introducing an emissions trading system, jurisdictions have to consider the ex-isting energy and climate policy framework. This report seeks to analyse and evaluate non-ETS climate policy instruments, such as carbon taxes or green certificate trading schemes, regarding their suitability to serve as a basis for establishing emission trading systems. There is a general assessment of prototypical policy instruments. Besides, the report contains insights from case studies in India and Mexico. The report is meant to inform ETS development by showing how existing policy instruments could contribute to this process and by illustrating how non-ETS policy instruments could coexist with an emissions trading system, allowing for an effective policy mix.
Global climate
(2019)
The twenty-third Conference of the Parties (COP-23) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was held in Bonn on 6-17 November 2017, under the presidency of Fiji. COP-23 focused, in particular, on developing rules to implement the 2015 Paris Agreement and on raising ambition for climate protection. Since this was the first "Oceanic" COP, special attention was given to supporting the countries of the Global South in their efforts to reduce emissions, adapt to climate change, and deal with the unavoidable impacts of climate change. This article summarizes the main developments and results of COP-23.
The transformation of cities towards sustainable and inclusive development is a key objective of the New Urban Agenda (United Nations 2017). Transport infrastructure is a critical factor in shaping cities, determining the energy intensity of mobility and providing access to essential social and economic opportunities. The sector also plays an important role in global climate change mitigation strategies, as it currently accounts for about 23% of global energy-related greenhouse gas emissions (IPCC 2014).
There is substantial potential to improve urban access, air quality, safety and the quality of life in cities along with reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions if an integrated policy approach is applied that combines all intervention areas for transport policy and involves all levels of government. A package that achieves low-carbon transport and fosters sustainable developed includes avoided journeys through compact urban design and shifts to more efficient modes of transport, uptake of improved vehicle and engine performance technologies, low-carbon fuels, investments in related infrastructure, and changes in the built environment. From a governance perspective, all relevant political institutions at the local and national level need to be involved in the coalition building along with key societal actors, such as unions, industry and civil society organisations. Bringing the policy objectives of these actors together with an integrated policy package is a vital step towards a low-carbon, sustainable mobility system.
Policy design and governance are critically interlinked as the ability of institutions to find a political consensus and to maintain policy stability heavily influences the success of measures to shape the transformation pathway towards sustainable mobility. This thesis aims to analyse these linkages and highlight the role of different policy and governance approaches. This analysis builds on transport and urban development research, but takes a transdisciplinary research perspective, building on the Multi-Level-Perspective on sustainability transitions (Geels 2002) and aims to highlight the potential for a consensus oriented policy approach (Lijphard 1999) that builds on co-benefits among key policy objectives and coalitions among key political actors, which leads to the main question for this thesis and the focus areas for the analysis.
Last year's conference of the global climate change regime took place from 2 until 15 December 2018 in Katowice, Poland. The conference had two main objectives: operationalising the Paris Agreement by adopting detailed rules for its implementation, and starting the process of strengthening Parties' climate protection contributions. This article covers the negotiations on these two sets of issues and also includes a discussion of other recent climate activities by Parties and non-Party actors. Success of the negotiations in Katowice was far from assured, but in the end COP24 concluded with the adoption of the "Katowice Climate Package" setting out detailed guidelines on how to implement its various elements. However, the conference fell short on the first objective, none of the major emitting countries was ready to step up its climate ambition. The most important aspect of the Katowice outcome is therefore that it has brought the wrangling about implementation procedures to a close, making way for the true task at hand: the strengthening of national and international activities to protect the climate and the implementation of the existing pledges. Arguably, a key factor that has been slowing down climate policy is the power of entrenched interests. The article therefore concludes with a reflection on how such barriers to climate action may be overcome and what role future COPs may play in this regard.
Europa braucht eine neue Fortschrittsvision. Eine Energiewende hat dieses Potenzial. Sie kann der "Europäischen Idee" einen zukunftsorientierten Inhalt geben. Das Ziel für 2050 ist klar: ein Europa ohne fossile und nukleare Energie! Das ist keine Utopie. Studien, Beschlüsse der EU und einiger Mitgliedsländer belegen, dass diese Vision machbar und mit vielen Vorteilen verbunden ist: mehr Jobs, mehr Versorgungssicherheit, weniger vorzeitige Todesfälle durch Luftverschmutzung, Abbau von Ressourcenkonflikten, sinkende Energiekosten. Neue grüne Leitmärkte für erneuerbare Energien und Ressourceneffizienz entstehen. Eine europäische Energiewende erfordert eine Allianz, idealerweise angefeuert durch die Nachbarn Frankreich und Deutschland. Viele hoffen auf Deutschland als Treiber von Atom- und Kohleausstieg. Aber "revolutionäre Ziele" zu beschließen ist nicht genug: Sie endlich umzusetzen - darauf warten Deutschland und Europa. Dieses Buch zeigt, welche konkreten Schritte diese Fortschrittsvision voranbringen werden.
Der Anteil fluktuierender erneuerbarer Energien im deutschen Strommix steigt. Um die Netzstabilität zu erhalten, Fluktuationen im Dargebot nach Wetterlage und saisonal auszugleichen sind absehbar ab ca. 2030 große Stromspeicherkapazitäten erforderlich. Wasser-Pumpspeicherwerke sind derzeit die einzige langjährig erprobte Technologie, die künftig in Braunkohletagebauen, welche im Zuge der Energiewende aufgegeben werden, errichtet werden könnten. Eine Überschlagsrechnung am Beispiel eines Pumpspeicherwerks in verschiedenen Tagebauen zeigt, dass diese mit bis zu 400 GWh ein signifikantes technisches Speicherpotenzial haben.
Am 26. Januar 2019 hat die Kommission "Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung" beschlossen, dass in Deutschland bis spätestens 2038 keine Kohlekraftwerke mehr betrieben werden sollen. Das Wuppertal Institut nimmt in diesem Papier Stellung zu den Ergebnissen der Kommission und gibt Empfehlungen für die nun notwendigen Schritte für die Klima- und Innovationspolitik in Europa, Deutschland und Nordrhein-Westfalen.
