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The German "Energiewende" (energy transition) is meant to be a contract between generations. The rebuilding of the whole energy system is designed and financed today in order to safeguard our children and grandchildren against fundamental risks: the enormous economic, social and environmental costs of a fossil-nuclear energy system, the risks of the nuclear fuel-cycle and the impacts of climate change, as well as energy import dependency, price shocks and geopolitical disputes over scarce resources. In contrast, a successful Energiewende creates new business areas and qualified jobs and increases competitiveness in the "green race" - in particular on the lead markets for efficiency technology and renewable energy. Accordingly, the Energiewende is described in this book as the collective effort of post-war German history and as a unique learning arena for a positive socio-economic transformation with international relevance. The book covers the formation of both the social and scientific Energiewende consensus, quantitative scenarios, the state of the Energiewende in 2015, the need for further policy intervention - in particular with respect to energy efficiency, and not least the integration of efficiency, sufficiency and renewable energy policies.
Will climate change stay below the 2 degree target in the 21st century on the basis of the COP 21 results? Looking into challenges and opportunities, this paper answers: To stay below the global 2dt is neither a real choice for the world society nor for businesses and civil societies in specific countries. It is a global guideline, scientifically developed for global negotiations, which should be broken down to national interests and actors. Key questions concerning the energy sector from the perspective of national interests are how to create and sustain a momentum for the inevitable energy transition, how to encourage disruptive innovations, avoid lock in effects, enable rapid deployment of energy efficiency and renewable energies etc. Or in other words: how to get to a competitive, economically benign, inclusive, low carbon and risk minimising energy system. With this background the paper argues that "burden sharing" is a misleading perception of strong climate mitigation strategies. It is more realistic to talk about "benefit sharing", using the monetary benefits and co-benefits of climate mitigation (e.g. energy cost savings, revenues from CO2-tax or emission trading systems) to help vulnerable national and international actors to adapt to the unavoidable climate risks. It has to be demonstrated on country level that the technologies and policy mix of strong climate mitigation and risk-minimising actions are indeed "benefit sharing" strategies which should be chosen anyhow, even if there was no climate change. For China and Germany this paper includes basic findings supporting this view.
Europe needs a new vision of progress. An energy transition has this potential. It can give the "European idea" a future-oriented content. The goal for 2050 is clear: a Europe without fossil and nuclear energy! This is not a utopia. Studies, resolutions of the EU and some member states prove that this vision is feasible and has many advantages: more jobs, more security of supply, fewer premature deaths due to air pollution, reduction of resource conflicts, falling energy costs. New green lead markets for renewable energies and resource efficiency are emerging. A European energy transition requires an alliance, ideally fuelled by neighbours France and Germany. Many are hoping for Germany as a driver of nuclear and coal phase-out. But deciding on "revolutionary goals" is not enough: finally implementing them is what Germany and Europe are waiting for. This report shows which concrete steps can advance this vision of progress.
In spite of differences in energy policies and supply, Japan and Germany have to master similar challenges: To reorganize the energy supply system towards - in the long term - being reliable, affordable, low in risks and resource use, and climate-neutral. At the same time, the ecological modernization should maintain or even strengthen international competitiveness. To better address these challenges, a bi-national expert council has been established between the two high-tech countries in 2016 - the GJETC.
The aim of the GJETC is to show that despite different starting points, a national energy transition can be more successful, if both countries learn from their strengths and also weaknesses, to avoid the latter. If the implementation of an energy transition in the two countries is socially and economically sound and advances technology innovation and deployment, it may not only double success, but can also serve as blue prints for other countries, especially due to learning from similarities and differences. For example: Why is per capita energy consumption higher in transport in Germany, but energy intensity higher in Japan's building sector? How can variable renewable energies be integrated in an efficient energy system at lowest costs?
The Council meets twice a year, holds stakeholder dialogues and outreach events, and prepares policy papers on strategic topics of mutual interest. Four comprehensive studies, each in cooperation of a German and a Japanese research institute, have been the basis for 15 joint key recommendations during the 1st phase. The 2nd phase to 2020 will study the role of hydrogen and digitalisation for the energy transition, as well as other topics. The paper presents the findings and recommendations of the GJETC of the first phase 2016-18 as well as first results of the second phase. It also reviews the setup of the GJETC and the way it works, to assess if and how it can serve as a role model of bilateral cooperation on the energy transition.
Europa braucht eine neue Fortschrittsvision. Eine Energiewende hat dieses Potenzial. Sie kann der "Europäischen Idee" einen zukunftsorientierten Inhalt geben. Das Ziel für 2050 ist klar: ein Europa ohne fossile und nukleare Energie! Das ist keine Utopie. Studien, Beschlüsse der EU und einiger Mitgliedsländer belegen, dass diese Vision machbar und mit vielen Vorteilen verbunden ist: mehr Jobs, mehr Versorgungssicherheit, weniger vorzeitige Todesfälle durch Luftverschmutzung, Abbau von Ressourcenkonflikten, sinkende Energiekosten. Neue grüne Leitmärkte für erneuerbare Energien und Ressourceneffizienz entstehen. Eine europäische Energiewende erfordert eine Allianz, idealerweise angefeuert durch die Nachbarn Frankreich und Deutschland. Viele hoffen auf Deutschland als Treiber von Atom- und Kohleausstieg. Aber "revolutionäre Ziele" zu beschließen ist nicht genug: Sie endlich umzusetzen - darauf warten Deutschland und Europa. Dieses Buch zeigt, welche konkreten Schritte diese Fortschrittsvision voranbringen werden.
Die Grenzen des Verkehrswachstums sind erreicht. Klimaschutz und Lebensqualität sind wichtiger als hochgerüstete Autoflotten, die für Millionen Menschen ohne Auto Belastungen und Mobilitätsnachteile bedeuten. Notwendig ist eine radikale sozial-ökologische Transformation des Verkehrssystems: Ausbau und Förderung des Umweltverbundes aus ÖPNV, Schiene, Sharing-Systemen, Rad- und Fußverkehr - das sind bekannte Strategieelemente, die aber durch die herrschende Privilegierung des Autos ausgebremst werden.
Dabei hat das Leitbild der autogerechten Stadt längst ausgedient. Entfesselte Automobilität frisst immer mehr Natur und Lebensqualität. Ziel muss es sein, nachhaltige Mobilität zu sichern, Verkehrsgerechtigkeit zu schaffen und die Hälfte der Autoflotte überflüssig zu machen. Und die Zukunft ist bereits unterwegs. Längst planen viele Städte eine menschengerechtere Mobilität: in Paris, Kopenhagen, Freiburg und anderswo.
Unterstützt durch eine engagiertere Verkehrspolitik von Bund und EU, kann aus der kommunalen Verkehrsbewegung eine nachhaltige Mobilität für alle in Stadt und Land werden. Neue grüne Geschäftsfelder und gute Arbeit für moderne Mobilitätsdienstleistungen sind dabei Kernelemente. Mit den riesigen Maßnahmenprogrammen wegen der Corona-Pandemie und für den Klimaschutz kann ein gestaltender Staat die Chancen der Verkehrswende erschließen. Für dieses Gemeinschaftswerk können Wählermehrheiten gewonnen werden.