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The objective of this paper is to analyse and make recommendations on a safeguard system for Article 6 that aims at preventing potential harm that mitigation activities may cause on the ground to local stakeholders and the environment. Following some definitory aspects of what and how to safeguard, the paper analyses a number of safeguard systems and do no harm principles as well as tools to implement them. It then gives an overview on Parties' views on the matter, as uttered in their latest submissions on Art. 6 options, as well as an overview of the references in the UNFCCC's SBSTA Chair's text with respect to sustainable development, safeguards, and human rights issues. The paper closes with recommendations on a possible safeguard system for Article 6.
Dieses Wuppertal Paper befasst sich mit folgenden Leitfragen: Wie wichtig sind Stadtwerke für die Energiewende? Was sind dabei die besonderen Beiträge von Stadtwerken? Hier ist insbesondere zu berücksichtigen, dass kommunal betriebene Kraft-Wärme-Kopplungs-Anlagen (KWK-Anlagen) ein wichtiger Komplementär zum Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energien darstellen und dass kommunale KWK-Anlagen inzwischen einen nennenswerten Beitrag zur Sicherstellung der Residuallast liefern. Zudem geht es um die Leitfrage, welche Rahmenbedingungen die Rolle von Stadtwerken als zentrale Akteure der Energiewende und insbesondere als Betreiber von KWK-Anlagen erschweren.
While the Paris Agreement (PA) has enshrined ambitious long-term objectives, the current actions of the Parties to the Agreement fall far short of these goals. The Global Stocktake (GST), established in Art. 14 of the PA, may help narrow this gap between ambition and action: its purpose is to review the implementation of the PA and to assess the collective progress of the international community towards Paris goals. While some general modalities on how to conduct the GST have been adopted, the details are still to be determined.
The objective of this report is to analyze existing international regimes as regards their review processes, the contribution of these review processes to various governance functions and, finally, to derive lessons for the GST. Processes analyzed include:
the design of the upcoming Global Stocktake itself,
the Talanoa Dialogue (TD) which is the direct precursor of the GST,
the Agenda 2030 High-Level Political Forum (HLPF), which features a regular stocktaking process focused on progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),
the review processes of the UN human rights system (UNHRS) and
the review processes and assessment panels of the Montreal Protocol (MP).
The analysis of each review process is organised in four section: (1) political background and context, (2) technical and organisational details of the processes, (3) interface between the political and technical processes, and (4) how the review processes contribute to achieving the objectives of the respective regime, particularly governance functions of the regime (guidance and signal, transparency and accountability, and knowledge and learning).
Städte und Kommunen mussten in den vergangenen Jahren einiges aushalten: eine weltweite Corona-Pandemie, Feuerkatastrophen wie in den USA sowie Hochwasser-Katastrophen wie in Deutschland. Das sind auch Folgen des menschen-gemachten Klimawandels, auf die Städte sich in Zukunft besser vorbereiten müssen. Denn gerade die Hochwasser-Katastrophe im Juli 2021 hat gezeigt, wie wenig Kommunen auf solche Ereignisse eingerichtet sind. Dieses Impulspapier zeigt, wie Städte resilienter, nachhaltiger und zukunftsfähiger werden können.
Resilient, sustainable and ready for the future : guidelines for urban development of tomorrow
(2021)
Cities and municipalities have had to endure a great deal in recent years, including a global coronavirus pandemic, fire disasters in the US and devastating floods like those in Germany. These are also consequences of anthropogenic climate change, and cities have to be better prepared for such events in future. In particular, the cata-strophic flooding Germany experienced in July 2021 demonstrated how ill-equipped municipalities are for this type of incident. In this paper, we look at how cities can become more resilient, sustainable and ready for the future.
Also in the global South, transport already significantly contributes to climate change and has high growth rates. Further rapid motorisation of countries in Asia and Latin America could counteract any climate efforts and aggravate problems of noxious emissions, noise and congestion.
This Paper aims at connecting the need for transport actions in developing countries to the international negotiations on a post-2012 climate change agreement. It outlines the decisions to be taken in Copenhagen and the preparations to adequately implement these decisions from 2013. Arguing, that a sustainable transport approach needs to set up comprehensive policy packages, the paper assesses the substance of current climate negotiations against the fit to sustainable transport. It concludes that the transport sector's importance should be highlighted and a significant contribution to mitigation efforts required.
Combining the two perspectives lead to several concrete suggestions: Existing elements of the carbon market should be improved (e.g. discounting), but an upscale of the carbon market would not be an appropriate solution. Due to a lack of additionality, offsetting industrialised countries' targets would finally undermine the overall success of the climate agreement. Instead, a mitigation fund should be established under the UNFCCC and financed by industrialised countries. This fund should explicitly enable developing countries to implement national sustainable development transport and mobility policies as well as local projects. While industrialized countries would set up target achievement plans, developing countries should outline low carbon development strategies, including a section on transport policy.
In less than ten years, emissions trading has forged ahead as a climate policy instrument - from the setting of the agenda through the formulation of policy to the stage of implementation. This has happened at several policy levels: on the one hand, as international emissions trading in the framework of the Kyoto Protocol, and on the other hand as emissions trading for energy-intensive companies within the European Union. Not only because of the speed of the process, but also because emissions trading is generally being perceived as an effective means to avoid greenhouse gas emissions, ist introduction is mostly regarded as a success story. This claim is here critically examined with the help of a number of theoretical hypotheses borrowed from the field of multilevel governance research. The theoretical discussion is woven into a detailed descriptive-analytic account of the introduction of emissions trading, bringing out the most important players, conflicts and milestones in the process. What were the consequences of this rapid introduction for the interdependence of players and institutions in the multi-level policy system? To what extent was it accompanied with a transfer of authority from national governments to supranational or international institutions? Can we speak here of a further loss of sovereignty by national states in the age of globalisation? And has the introduction of emissions trading, as a new generation of climate policy instruments, brought about institutional changes in negotiation patternsand decision-making processes? This set of questions is being derived from the concept of multi-level governance which serves as the framework of analysis of this paper and is then being used to analyse fifteen theses in order to explain the complexity of the introduction of emissions trading and highlight problems and deficits in the negotiating processes. The aim of the paper is to give a answer to the question of whether the meteoric rise of the policy instrument may be described as a "success story".
Was ist gerecht? : Nutzungsrechte an natürlichen Ressourcen in der Klima- und Biodiversitätspolitik
(2004)
Was ist gerecht? In einer Welt zunehmenden Zugriffs auf die Natur stellt sich diese zentrale Frage auch für die Nutzung natürlicher Ressourcen. In der internationalen Umweltpolitik bildet daher die Verteilung von Nutzungsrechten den Hintergrund für zahlreiche kontroverse Debatten. Diese werden exemplarisch für die Politikfelder Klima- und Biodiversitätspolitik nachvollzogen. Zunächst wird die Frage diskutiert, in welchem Umfang ein Land die begrenzte Absorptionsfähigkeit der Atmosphäre nutzen darf. Gibt es ein historisch gewachsenes Anrecht oder, im Gegenteil, eine daraus erwachsene Verantwortung für Emissionseinsparungen? Müssten nicht Staaten mit größeren finanziellen wie technologischen Kapazitäten beim Klimaschutz voranschreiten? Aus dem Spektrum der möglichen Antworten wird in diesem Papier das Prinzip gleicher pro Kopf-Rechte an der Nutzung der Atmosphäre als Leitbild zukünftiger Vereinbarungen in der Klimapolitik favorisiert. Um diesem Leitbild nicht bloß auf zwischenstaatlicher sondern auch auf innerstaatlicher Ebene Geltung zu verschaffen, wird die Einrichtung von nationalen "Klimafairnessfonds" vorgeschlagen. Analog dazu stellt sich die Frage in der Biodiversitätspolitik: sollte jede WeltbürgerIn das gleiche Recht auf Zugang und Nutzung des genetischen Codes von Pflanzen haben? Oder müsste nicht vielmehr die Pflanzenwelt eines Landes der staatlichen Souveränität unterstellt werden? Wie sind in diesem Kontext Patente auf einzelne Pflanzenbestandteile zu bewerten? Gerechte Nutzungsregeln für pflanzengenetische Ressourcen, so das Fazit dieses Papiers, erfordern eine Stärkung der Rechte indigener und lokaler Gemeinschaften gegen über privaten Nutzungsansprüchen. Die Suche nach einem verallgemeinerbaren Prinzip für die Zuerkennung von Nutzungsrechten an natürlichen Ressourcen läuft daher ins Leere. Vielmehr muss der jeweils unterschiedliche Charakter einer Ressource und ihr spezieller sozio-ökonomischer Kontext berücksichtigen werden. Darüber hinaus erfordert trans nationale Ressourcengerechtigkeit, nicht nur den Staat sondern auch subsidiäre Ebenen wie die einzelne BürgerIn oder lokale/regionale Gemeinschaften als potenzielle AdressatInnen von Rechten in den Blick zu nehmen.
Stellen Events eine Möglichkeit dar, nachhaltige Mobilität erlebnis-, ereignis- und letztendlich erfolgreicher zu kommunizieren? Anhand eines Vergleichs zwischen Unternehmen der Automobilindustrie und öffentlichen Nahverkehrsunternehmen werden Antworten auf diese Frage gesucht. Dabei wird das Verhältnis dieser beiden Akteursgruppen zur nachhaltigen Mobilität ebenso analysiert wie die Art der Kommunikationsstrategien und welche Rolle das Eventmarketing und die Live-Kommunikation im gesamten Kommunikationsmix einnehmen. Ziel des Papiers ist es, Empfehlungen zu entwickeln, welche Strategien und Maßnahmen zur Kommunikation von Nachhaltigkeit Erfolg versprechend sind, wie ein nachhaltiges Mobilitätssystem durch Automobilindustrie und öffentliche Verkehrsunternehmen gefördert werden kann und welchen Beitrag Events für eine nachhaltige Mobilitätsgestaltung leisten.
In this policy paper we discuss policy instruments which can help to decarbonise passenger cars in the European Union. We elaborate to what extent these policy instruments are effective, technology-neutral, predictable, cost-effective and enforceable. Based on these criteria, we develop recommendations for the European Union and its Member States on (1) how to shape their policy frameworks in order to achieve existing climate change mitigation targets; (2) how to support car manufacturers in selling innovative and competitive products; and (3) how to encourage consumers in Europe to purchase appropriate vehicles.
We conclude that favourable policy instruments are used, but there is a strong need for adjustment and further development. The effectiveness of the current EU emission standard should be further increased by turning away from granting "super-credits" and introducing a size-based (instead of weight-based) credit system. Moreover, its overall ambition is questionable and the existing compliance mechanisms should be sharpened.
Fuel taxes are an effective means to push consumers to buy energy-efficient cars. However, a sharp increase may not have the desired effects. Instead, the Member States should harmonise their excise duties at the level of those Member States, which currently impose the highest taxes (Netherlands, Italy). This includes the abolition of any diesel tax bonus. An introduction and harmonisation of vehicle taxes (purchase and circulation) should be based on a vehicle's energy consumption. Additionally, reformation efforts should aim to change the taxation of company cars in a way that vehicle sizes are reduced over time.
Ambitious Member States may also want to introduce a sales quota for electric vehicles. Sales quotas are a very cost-effective policy instrument provided that the mandated technology will achieve a certain market share. This may be assumed for battery-electric vehicles. Further supportive instruments that should be considered are eco-labelling, public procurement and purchase incentives. However, the latter instrument's effectiveness is debatable and its implementation should therefore not be a Member State's priority.
The new mechanism defined under Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement is supposed to allow for international cooperation with regard to climate change mitigation and thereby enable an increase in overall mitigation. Nevertheless, the design of the mechanism under Article 6.4 should also make sure that it is not be in conflict with the long-term goal of net-zero GHG emissions but even better foster national pathways leading to this objective. Building this into the mechanism requires to shift the focus from short- and mid-term considerations to the long-term perspective in one way or another.
This discussion paper explores three different approaches that may help to foster the long-term objective of net-zero GHG emissions in the operationalization of Article 6.4, namely positive and negative lists, additionality with regard to a baseline consistent with both, NDCs and long-term targets, as well as adaptation of existing instruments and criteria from climate finance. The detailed discussion of the ap-proaches shows that the approaches should not be seen as mutually exclusive but rather as comple-mentary to each other. From the analyses, two storylines emerge how to combine aspects of the differ-ent approaches in a reasonable way to foster the long-term objective of net-zero GHG emissions under Article 6.4.
Die Wirtschaftsleistung von Deutschland ist durch die Corona-Pandemie stark beeinträchtigt. Um die Wirtschaft zu beleben, einigten sich die Regierungsparteien am 3. Juni 2020 in ihrem Koalitionsausschuss auf ein "Konjunktur- und Krisenbewältigungspaket" sowie ein "Zukunftspaket" in Höhe von insgesamt 130 Milliarden Euro. Für 2020 und 2021 sind fast 60 Maßnahmen vorgesehen, die von steuerlichen Vergünstigungen bei der Mehrwertsteuer bis hin zu konkreten Investitionen in Zukunftstechnologien reichen. Mit Blick auf den Klimaschutz beinhaltet das Maßnahmenpaket der Großen Koalition zwar gute Ansätze und viele wichtige Impulse, die allerdings zu verpuffen drohen, wenn sie nicht durch eine konsequente und nachhaltig ausgerichtete Klimapolitik flankiert werden. Zudem fehlen für den Klimaschutz wichtige Bereiche, wie Investitionen in die Kreislaufwirtschaft. Außerdem werden Maßnahmen zur Steigerung der Energieeffizienz nur unzureichend berücksichtigt. Gerade in diesen Bereichen hätten sich konjunkturbelebende Effekte und Klimaschutz in idealer Form ergänzen können, kritisiert das Wuppertal Institut. Dieses Diskussionspapier reagiert auf die vorliegenden Vorschläge und fasst zusammen, welche Maßnahmen im Rahmen der jetzt anstehenden Umsetzungsphase nachgebessert werden sollten und wo Ergänzungen notwendig sind.
Transformative Innovationen : die Suche nach den wichtigsten Hebeln der Großen Transformation
(2021)
Der hier vorliegende Zukunftsimpuls soll den Grundgedanken der Transformativen Innovationen und ihre Notwendigkeit beschreiben sowie erste Kandidaten für solche Transformativen Innovationen aus diversen Arbeitsbereichen des Wuppertal Instituts vorstellen. Er dient vor allem als Einladung, gemeinsam mit dem Wuppertal Institut über solche Innovationen zu diskutieren, die irgendwo zwischen den großen Utopien und kleinen Nischenaktivitäten liegen. Denn es braucht nicht immer den ganz großen Wurf, um Veränderungen in Gang zu setzen.
On 26 January 2019, the Commission on Growth, Structural Change and Employment recommended that no more coal-fired power plants would be operated in Germany by 2038 at the latest. In this paper the Wuppertal Institute comments on the results of the Commission and makes recommendations for the current necessary steps for the climate and innovation policy in Europe, Germany and North Rhine-Westphalia.
Am 26. Januar 2019 hat die Kommission "Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung" beschlossen, dass in Deutschland bis spätestens 2038 keine Kohlekraftwerke mehr betrieben werden sollen. Das Wuppertal Institut nimmt in diesem Papier Stellung zu den Ergebnissen der Kommission und gibt Empfehlungen für die nun notwendigen Schritte für die Klima- und Innovationspolitik in Europa, Deutschland und Nordrhein-Westfalen.
Article 6 of the Paris Agreement establishes mechanisms for Parties to "pursue voluntary cooperation in the implementation of their nationally determined contributions to allow for higher ambition in their mitigation and adaptation actions [...]" (Article 6.1). I. e. the mechanisms are explicitly designed to foster higher ambition. However, without additional guidance and rules, the economic incentives of carbon markets may work against increasing host country ambition. For example, setting ambitious NDC targets may directly reduce the amount of mitigation outcomes that go beyond the NDC target and that a host country can transfer abroad. The report presents four options on how the risks can be ad-dressed and ambition can be increased: (1) Strengthening reporting, transparency and comparability; (2) Reconciling the design of the Article 6.4 mechanism with ambition raising of host countries; (3) Supporting the host country to raise ambition through the Article 6.4 mechanism; (4) Fostering the acquiring country to raise ambition through the Article 6.4 mechanism. These options are assessed and recommendations are provided on how they could be implemented.
Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement explicitly acknowledges the need to incentivize and facilitate the participation of private entities in the mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions. Under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), private sector actors had already the opportunity to participate in a new and fast-growing market. However, they faced numerous challenging investment barriers. The study provides an overview on key factors and barriers determining private sector participation in Article 6 mechanisms. It distinguishes between the three topics demand side factors, rules and standards for market mechanisms, and supply side factors and provides for each of them options to mitigate or overcome barriers.
In a short analysis, it further explores three of the identified options:
- Improving the design and support of national systems and capacities is an important pre-requisite for the private sector to be able to generate and sell ITMOs
- The up-scaling of mitigation activities e. g. through (sub-) sector level crediting, and policy crediting helps private sector actors to benefit from economies of scale
- Exploring the potential of digitization of measuring, reporting and verification (MRV), e. g. the use of sensors, internet of things, artificial intelligence and blockchain to make the project cycle more efficient and reduce transaction costs.
Overall, the report stresses the importance of host country readiness to provide the private sector with a robust and trusted environment that allows for the adoption of Article 6 mechanisms.
This policy brief discusses the opportunities and obligations of host country DNAs within the Standardized Baselines framework and identifies options for strategic intervention. Host countries can, for example, intervene by selecting the right sectors for which they develop an SB in the first place. DNAs can also tailor their SBs to some extent to support certain technologies, fuels or feed- stocks over others by choosing the right level of aggregation of the sector to be covered. Last but not least, the paper discusses the DNAs' role in managing the data for the development and maintenance of the SB. Host countries should take full advantage of potential synergies between data collection for SBs and other data intensive processes such as national greenhouse gas inventories or national statistics. SBs and the data gathered in the process of developing them can also be a basis for the development of other mitigation instruments such as Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) or New Market Mechanisms (NMM).
Offsetting for international aviation : the state of play of market-based measures under ICAO
(2016)
This JIKO Policy Brief summarizes the state of play of the negotiations on a global market-based mechanism (global MBM) under ICAO. It specifies the respective responsibilities and different approaches of ICAO and the UNFCCC. It traces the historic activities in regard of climate protection under ICAO and provides an overview of the current negotiation process that is to culminate at the upcoming ICAO General Assembly in autumn 2016. Furthermore, the Policy Brief reflects on the CDM experience and derives recommendations.
Analyzing previous international and national policy processes, the study offers recommendations for leveraging the Global Stocktake's (GST) outcomes for national climate action, especially for Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). It emphasizes the need for coordinated efforts to ensure the results of the GST influence national political discourse. It proposes communication strategies tailored to the different stages of the NDC policy process and diverse target audiences. The paper advocates for a nuanced and strategic approach to communication and emphasizes the importance of legitimacy and complexity in engaging stakeholders at different levels of decision-making.
In the Paris Agreement, the governments of the world have pledged to attain climate neutrality in the second half of this century. More precisely, in Art. 4.1 parties agreed to "achieve a balance between anthropogenic emissions by sources and removals by sinks of greenhouse gases". However, the collective as well as the majority of measures by individual countries fall short of embarking on a pathway towards that objective. But nevertheless, an increasing number of actors - countries, sub-national entities, as well as corporations - have stepped up their efforts and set themselves carbon neutrality goals.
In this Policy Brief Lukas Hermwille and Markus Gornik portray the commitments of Costa Rica, Norway, Sweden, the City of Melbourne, Australia and the corporation Microsoft. All cases have set themselves ambitious neutrality goals and have implemented measures to achieve them. However, none of the cases will be able to achieve accomplish neutrality on their own, at least not on short-term. The remaining emissions will be compensated using carbon credits either from domestic offset schemes (Costa Rica) or from international schemes.
For the time being, voluntary carbon neutrality goals, as presented in this Policy Brief, are an effective way to demonstrate leadership in climate protection. For the near future, pioneering actors that set voluntary carbon or climate neutrality goals could provide a significant source of demand for international carbon credits.
Although it is not part of what has been called the "ambition mechanism" or "ratchet mechanism", Article 6 of the Paris Agreement also has an explicit requirement to promote ambition. Article 6 specifically highlights that some Parties choose to pursue voluntary cooperation in the implementation of their nationally determined contributions to allow for higher ambition in their mitigation and adaptation actions. Despite the common purpose, the two elements have to date been discussed mostly in isolation, both in the negotiations as well as in the wider literature. This JIKO Policy Paper sets out to change this by exploring the relationship between Article 6 and the Global Stocktake.
This Policy Brief outlines the "identity crisis" in which voluntary carbon standards find themselves after the adoption of the Paris Agreement. It describes how the new international legal framework threatens to undermine the legitimation and credibility of voluntary carbon standards and discusses first ideas how the arising challenges could be dealt with.
Many have hoped that the CDM's Additionality, if applied to the wider climate finance domain, can contribute to standardizing the funding criteria. This JIKO Policy Brief therefore explore options of applying the CDM's to do just that. The authors highlight issues of environmental system integrity and efficient allocation of funding, and discuss potential limits of the CDM's Additionality concept in its current form, if applied to climate finance.
The prospects are limited, because a clear attribution of emission reductions is almost impossible in a system that does not have as well-defined borders as the zero-sum-game of tradable emission reductions under a capped environment.The authors propose some inroutes to adapting the current approach to Additionality in this context, and pose a number of questions that can help to further discuss and refine the CDM's Additionality concept to make it better applicable for a future, globally inclusive climate regime.
This policy paper reviews the concept of additionality in the context of the Paris Agreement. Additionality is a key criterion that helps to maintain the environmental integrity of the Paris Agreement, especially when units created under Article 6.2 or 6.4 are used for offsetting purposes whether that is by Parties in order to meet their NDCs or whether by other entities with legal mitigation obligations.
It does so by first reviewing key concepts such as offsetting, environmental integrity, and baseline. Subsequently, it explores the context of additionality under the Paris Agreement. More specifically it discusses what should be counted as the baseline for additionality demonstration. The subsequent chapter then highlights the challenges with establishing additionality, that is establishing a causal relationship between a policy intervention and a proposed activity. Finally, the Policy Paper discusses aspects of international governance with respect to additionality.
Die internationale Klimapolitik tritt in ein neues Zeitalter unter teils widersprüchlichen Vorzeichen ein: Während das US-Wahlergebnis auf erschwerte Rahmenbedingungen für die Bekämpfung des Klimawandels hindeutet, konnten auf der UN-Ebene bei der COP22 in Marrakech einige Fortschritte erzielt werden. Lukas Hermwille und Wolfgang Obergassel zeigen die verschiedenen Szenarien auf, die sich damit für eine ambitionierte internationale Klimapolitik ergeben.
On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected to become the 45th President of the United States of America. In his campaign, he repeatedly expressed his intention to "cancel the Paris Agreement". How can the course set with the adoption of the Paris Agreement be continued independently of the developments in the US? The authors sketch possible consequences of the sea change of US climate policy for the international negotiation process and identify options for a "Trump-resilient" way forward.
There is general agreement that preventing dangerous climate change requires a fundamental transformation of the global economy. Regarding carbon markets, the EU, for example, has called for the new market-based mechanism (NMM) to be established under the UNFCCC to "facilitate transition towards low carbon economy and attract further international investment". This JIKO Policy Paper discusses the transformative potential of the NMM and how it should be structured to maximize transformative impact.
The analysis shows that details in the arrangements of the scheme, such as allocation of allowances can significantly influence the incentive structure of the instrument and hence its potential to contribute to transformational change. The authors conclude that carbon pricing is necessary but is by itself not sufficient to redeem the various types of market failures that have led to the unsustainable global socio-economic system we are deemed to change. An NMM should therefore be tailored to complement other national policies.
A sectoral perspective can help the Global Stocktake (GST) to effectively achieve its objective to inform Parties' in enhancing subsequent NDCs and in enhancing international cooperation. Specifically, granular and actionable sectoral lessons, grounded in country-driven assessments, should be identified and elaborated. To be effective, conversations on sectoral transformations need to synthesise key challenges and opportunities identified in the national analyses and link them to international enablers; focus on systemic interdependencies, involve diverse actors, and be thoroughly prepared including by pre-scoping points of convergences and divergence across transformations. We specifically recommend that:
the co-facilitators of the Technical Dialogue use their (limited) mandate to facilitate an effective conversationon sectoral transformations e.g. by organising dedicated informal seminars in between formal negotiation sessions;
key systemic transformations necessary toachieve net-zero by mid-century should be spelled out and included in the final decision or political declaration of the GST; and
the political outcome of the GST should mandate follow-up processes at the regional level and encourage national-level conversations to translate the collective messages from GST into actionable and sector-specific policy recommendations.
Carbon markets in a <2 °C world : will there be room for international carbon trading in 2050?
(2016)
This JIKO Policy Paper analyses a series of very ambitious mitigation scenarios and complements this analysis with a review of several sectoral technology roadmaps. The results are quite clear: there is no reason to believe that international carbon trading will become obsolete any time soon. Whether or not international carbon trading is to play a role in international climate protection efforts is in the end not a physical or economic question, but a political one.
Many hope that the Global Stocktake under the Paris Agreement can become a catalyst for increased mitigation ambition over time. Based on different theories of change, this paper outlines four governance functions for the Global Stocktake. It can contribute to the Paris Agreement as a pacemaker (stimulating and synchronizing policy processes across governance levels), by ensuring accountability of Parties, by enhancing ambition through benchmarks for action and transformative learning, and by reiterating and refining the guidance and signal provided from the Paris Agreement. The paper further outlines process- and information-related preconditions that would enable an ideal Global Stocktake.
Das Paper gibt zunächst Antworten auf die Fragen, wie sich der Ressourcenverbrauch entwickelt hat, welche Potenziale zur Verbrauchssenkung bestehen und warum sie trotz hoher Wirtschaftlichkeit nicht umgesetzt werden. Es zeigt, dass eine deutliche und zügige Steigerung der Energie- und Materialeffizienz notwendig ist, um Ressourcen ökologisch und sozial nachhaltig, aber auch finanzierbar und bedarfsgerecht bereitstellen zu können. Technische Innovationen und eine Veränderung der Produktions- und Konsummuster sind dazu Voraussetzung. Wirtschaft, Verbraucher, Politik und Gesellschaft haben viele Handlungsoptionen, die im Paper jeweils kurz vorgestellt und mit Beispielen illustriert werden. Sie zeigen, wie durch einen Policy Mix und Aktivitäten gesellschaftlicher Akteure Energie- und Materialeffizienz für die Anbieter- und Nachfragerseite einfach, umsetzbar und vorteilhaft werden kann. Ihre Entfaltung ist möglich, so die These, wenn Ressourceneffizienz politisch und gesellschaftlich gewollt ist.
Umwelt- und Wirtschaftspolitik, so schien es Jahrzehnte lang, stehen im Widerspruch. Was hilft der gesunde Wald, wenn Millionen keine Arbeit haben? Zwar gehen mit Arbeitslosigkeit seit Einführung der sozialen Sicherungssysteme nicht länger Not, Leid und Elend einher. Aber das Stigma bedrückt die Betroffenen und ist für die Gesellschaft eine Last. Und so ist die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen das Kernziel aller Politik. Allzu oft werden dabei allerdings die Interessen der zukünftigen Generationen vernachlässigt. Neue Straßen und Flughäfen oder deren Ausbau wie auch Gewerbeparks im Grünen werden mit dem Arbeitsplatzargument legitimiert.
Dabei gibt es zur Bekämpfung von Arbeitslosigkeit ein sozial und ökologisch wesentlich verträglicheres Konzept: die gerechtere Verteilung der zur Verfügung stehenden Erwerbsarbeitszeit. Die Arbeitslosigkeit ließe sich zumindest rechnerisch abschaffen, wenn die Menschen im Schnitt 30 Stunden in der Woche für Lohn arbeiteten. Dieser als "Kurze Vollzeit für alle" bezeichnete Ansatz ist so plausibel, dass man sich über die dürftige Resonanz in Politik und Gesellschaft wundert. Das Impulspapier stellt Zusammenhänge von Wachstum, Arbeitsplätze, Glück und Nachhaltigkeit her.
Energiearmut wird durch steigende Energiepreise und die gleichzeitig steigende Armut auch in der europäischen Union ein immer bedeutenderes Thema. Eine Vorreiterrolle bei der Erforschung von Energiearmut hält Großbritannien, wo das Problem schon lange existiert und deshalb bereits in den 1990er-Jahren eine gesellschaftliche Debatte und in der Folge nationale Programme gegen Energiearmut starteten. In den restlichen EU-Ländern und vor allem im deutschsprachigen Raum gibt es noch keine derart systematische Befassung der Regierungen mit dem Thema. Die Relevanz und das gesellschaftliche Interesse steigt aber auch in diesen Ländern, was daran abzulesen ist, dass in den letzten Jahren eine Reihe an regionalen und kommunalen Modellprojekten gestartet wurde, deren Aufgabe es ist, Energiearmut zu lindern.
Dieses Wuppertal Paper gibt einen kurzen Überblick über den Stand der Forschung zu Energiearmut sowie der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Diskussion in Deutschland, Österreich und Großbritannien. Dabei wird auch auf die Entwicklung der Energiekosten und die Auswirkungen dieser Entwicklung auf einkommensschwache Menschen eingegangen.
In Folge werden kurz nationale Strategien zur Armutsbekämpfung in Großbritannien und Deutschland vorgestellt. In Deutschland handelt es sich vor allem um eine bundesweite Weiterentwicklung und Finanzierung des Modellprojekts "Stromspar-Check" seit 2009. In Österreich gab es zum Zeitpunkt der Erstellung dieser Studie noch keine nationalen Programme zur Bekämpfung von Energiearmut.
Abschließend werden Modellprojekte aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum vorgestellt, welche es zum einen erlauben, Barrieren und "good practices" bei der Bekämpfung von Energiearmut herauszufiltern. Zum anderen zeigen diese Projekte, dass es ein steigendes gesellschaftliches Bewusstsein gegenüber dem Problem Energiearmut gibt, welches neue politische Lösungen einfordert.
This JIKO Policy Paper explores how Parties using Article 6 can increase their mitigation ambition. Building on a broad definition of ambition raising which puts the intensification of climate change mitigation targets and actions by Parties at its centre, eight different ambition raising options are identified. The analysis shows that these options are associated with different technical, institutional and political challenges, calling for a combination of different ambition raising options.
Using results-based finance for climate action : existing initiatives and the role of the CDM
(2014)
Results-based finance is receiving increasing attention, being considered as a potential key funding mode in climate finance. The Clean Development Mechanism has been cited to potentially contribute to this goal. Against this background, the policy brief outlines the rationale of the concept and analyses six climate change mitigation initiatives that build on the results-based finance approach. The analysis puts a special focus on the role of the CDM.
This paper analyses the risks to environmental integrity associated to the transfers of mitigation outcomes in the context of Art. 6 of the Paris Agreement and provides an overview on approaches and tools that could be used for addressing them. The analysis shows that some of the environmental integrity risks can be dealt with at the technical level. This relates, inter alia, to the risks of mitigation outcomes being unreal or non-permanent as well as to carbon leakage and rebound effects. Here, robust MRV provisions should be established. Other risks will be difficult to address without touching the new and open structure of the Paris Agreement. This applies, for example, to risks associated to the diverse nature of NDCs, and requires further investigation.
The Paris Agreement adopted in December 2015 provides the basis for future international cooperation on the field of climate change mitigation. While truly global in reach, the agreement will however result in an increasingly complex new climate regime: Instead of using a uniform formula, Parties are allowed to autonomously define their NDCs (nationally determined contributions), resulting in a large diversity of contributions. This poses significant challenges for emissions accounting and the transfer of emission units.
This Policy Paper explores how these challenges can be addressed by analysing different types of NDCs and assessing their compatibility with the export and use of emission units. On that basis, the authors develop opt-in provisions for Parties willing to participate in unit transfers under the new climate regime and illustrate how potential risks to environmental integrity can be addressed.
With the adoption of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, former debates about generating carbon credits on the basis of national policies have resurged. National policies have not been eligible as project activities under the Kyoto Protocol's flexible mechanisms. The Paris Agreement opens the possibility for such policy crediting but also provides an entirely new context: Universal participation, ambitious long-term targets and nationally defined contributions (NDCs) that are to be made more ambitious over time. As this paper shows, these changes in the framework conditions add an additional layer of complexity to policy-based cooperation.
The paper explores the potential for policy-based cooperation by first briefly presenting the regulatory basis provided by the Paris Agreement before outlining a prototype for policy-based cooperation and its key challenges.
This report explores the future role of the voluntary carbon market and its potential to contribute to raising the ambition of climate policy. For this purpose, desk research was complemented by interviews with voluntary carbon market representatives. The report finds that the current roles of the voluntary market are set to change fundamentally due to the Paris Agreement. For the future of the voluntary market as an investor, three roles were identified, each of which is associated with specific challenges: The market may maintain its current role of buyer of carbon neutrality credits, it may become a supporter of NDC implementation, or it may become a driver of ambition. With regard to the future role of private certification standards, the Paris Agreement may hold the possibility of using such standards in the context of compliance activities. Overall, the findings indicate that the voluntary market has some potential to contribute to ambition raising. Whether this potential will actually be unlocked depends on how the concept of ambition raising will be operationalized under the Paris Agreement and to what degree it can be integrated into the voluntary market's activities and business models.
The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is in crisis. More and more market participants are leaving the sector. In the light of this development, some argue that governments should step in as buyers of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs). Given the limited volumes of public funding, however, governments will have to prioritise some projects over others. This policy brief therefore analyses national purchase programmes and multilateral carbon funds in order to identify criteria public investors are applying in the selection of the projects they finance. The aim is to identify a vision of a high quality CDM project that be can be made use of when designing a possible support programme.